Invariably in democratic politics where representatives are chosen by a plurality, people will become concerned with “proportional representation” and the “popular vote”.
All of this presupposes the legitimacy of a democratic system, which is unfortunate.
At the root of democracy is the unfortunate logical fallacy that because more people think something should be so than not, that thing should be so. This is an argumentum ad populum. At the core of this thinking is an argumentum ad baculum—the majority can overpower the minority, so they rule.
The structure of federal systems such as that of Canada and the United States is—surprisingly to some people—not to be democratic, but rather to be anti-democratic. If the goal was to be democratic the Constitution of Canada—and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms—would not exist. The presence of these and an unelected Supreme Court are extremely strong bulwarks against majority rule. If the people who designed our federal system wanted the country to be democratic, they would not have appointed branches with a check on the elected branch.
But these are merely the facts—i.e. this is merely that something is so, not why it is so. Why is this a good idea?
Consider the basic tenet of democracy: Majority rule. This raises an important question: Which majority? The majority of people in a house, on a street, in a municipality, in a city, in a province, in a country, or in the world? And why is one of these majorities somehow more or less valid than another.
Consider marijuana prohibition. Even if this has the majority support of people in a city, why should any particular household not be able possess or consume marijuana? They’re not imposing or harming anyone else, so why can or should the majority be able to constrain them?
This is—of course—where the argumentum ad baculum comes in. Majority rule is morally unqualified; it is merely backed by more guns than its opposition, and therefore “might makes right”.
There are scenarios where this ridiculousness of the majority’s rule becomes even more apparent. What if everyone—unanimously—in a particular city wants to decriminalize marijuana, but the more numerous people in the adjacent city don’t, and the more numerous people in the adjacent city have used majority rule through the province- or country-level government to ban marijuana?
This is the problem that the concept of federalism attempts to solve. First, there is a Constitution which limits what government can do. Then there is an unelected—and therefore not subject to political whims—Supreme Court which has the power to hold the government accountable to the Constitution. Then the power is split between two levels of government—nation and regional (i.e. federal and provincial)—and then those two levels of government are made up of people elected by plurality from certain regions.
This brings us to another point: The evils of political parties.
You see, the fact that representatives—MLAs and MPs—are elected on a per region basis is significant. Those people are supposed to represent the issues that affect that region. The Constitution is supposed to restrain centralized power from trampling on regional concerns. This is why the citizens of B.C. can choose a monopoly on car insurance—ICBC—while people in Ontario may not. This is not the affair of the federal government, so a one size fits all solution, nation-wide, is out of the question.
Under a system where the “popular vote” becomes significant, representation of these regional concerns is gone. Representatives are chosen from some pool of representatives, and it becomes an issue not of voting for the person you want to represent you, but rather the party.
The problem with parties is that they have monolithic, nation-wide agendas, which don’t vary from region-to-region.
The other issue here is that of having your voice heard. As power is centralized it becomes harder for individuals to affect it. If you elect an independent—unaffiliated with any party—representative, you can simply write them a letter, have a meeting with them, go to a “town hall”, et cetera. It’s very easy to have your concerns heard by this person, since they represent your area, and there aren’t many people in your area.
But what about affecting the whole Conservative Party? That’s 165 Members of Parliament as of this writing. That’s much more difficult. And so long as—for the most part—the party is whipped and votes according to the party line, representation will be difficult.
Of course, there are Members of Parliament who do vote against the party line, such as Scott Simms (Liberal Party) on “C-304 An Act to amend the Canadian Human Rights Act (protecting freedom)” but this is uncommon and party members can face severe consequences—such as expulsion from the party—for failing to vote according to the party line.
George Washington was right to warn against political parties, and Canadians—just as Americans—have fallen victim to them.
The issue is not—as the “popular vote” supporters believe, or would have you believe—the first past the post voting system, but rather the formation and entrenchment of political parties. Switching to a system of “popular vote” is only going to make this problem worse, as political parties become increasingly important.
The focus should always be bringing power closer to the people, where they can change it, where they can have an impact on it, and where its effects can be seen and felt by those people forming those policies. If MPs from Ontario vote on a policy that’s devastating to a community in British Columbia, they won’t necessarily see or hear about the consequences thereof, they won’t feel the devastation—they’re uninvested, unconcerned, and unaccountable.
This is why if you want a truly accountable, truly responsive government, you must support federalism and oppose the formation and entrenchment of political parties.
The “popular vote” is just mob rule. It is the very thing that federalism is supposed to hedge against, not succumb to.
Ultimately, however, democracy is a morally bankrupt system. It is two wolves and a sheep deciding what is for dinner. It is the acquiescence of concrete moral principles to the shifting whimsy of the majority. It is an admission that moral right and wrong are not fixed and unchanging, but are rather shades of grey that shift with the times and the “popular vote”.
If you truly believe democracy, you must believe the following:
“Since the government of Nazi Germany was originally democratically elected, the Holocaust was morally right.”
“Since the government of the United States is democratically elected, racism was morally right until 1964.”
If you disagree with either of these statements, then you believe in some level of anti-democracy, which means that you see some of the failings of democracy, which means that you’re halfway there.
Democracy holds that two other people have a higher claim to your life than you do, by virtue of their superior numbers. If you believe that you own your own life, if you believe that you have certain rights and freedoms that no one can take away, you don’t believe in democracy, nor do you want it.